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Paul von Hindenburg

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October 2, 1847 (Bennett 3). I am born. Whether or not the actions of my life will make me a hero in your eyes or not, they are the actions I own, the ones on which I judge myself and the very ones from which humanity will distill its judgment of me. I was born in Posen into an aristocratic family, the eldest of three sons, a family with militaristic lineage datable to the thirteenth century. It appears to me in retrospect, however, that I have had more than one birth in my lifetime. I have actually had three lives during the course of my existence. The first lifetime evolved during the first 64 years of my life, though its length of duration made it no more significant than the final two lives of my life. This period includes the majority of my military career and ends with my retirement from the army. The second lifetime began in 1914 when I was in control of the 8th Army before I retired again in 1919 (Bennett 3). Six years later in 1925, at the ripe age of 78, I once more was born into the service of my country, this time as President an office I would hold until my death in 1934 (Bennett 3). While I cannot recount all of my actions and experiences in such a full existence, I will try to recount some of the most significant ones to me.

My family was militaristic in tradition and endowed with the German sense of strength in that no weakness was tolerated. Raised firmly in the “Spartan manner of the Prussian military c

. . .
instance, I agreed to follow the terms of the Treaty of Versailles, which many of my peers and countrymen felt too harsh and all-blaming of Germany. I believe I brought unity and peace to Germany and faithfully followed the Weimar Constitution. I followed the Dawes Plan and the Locarno agreements even though they gave Germany no hold on Alsace-Lorraine. I became the enemy of the Nationalists when I supported a non-return to monarchy. In opposition to the Right I helped the Luther-Stresemann Cabinet understand the importance of belonging to the League of Nations. Republicans and the Social Democratic party were incensed over my decision to raise the imperial colors at German sites abroad and then caused such political turmoil that I had to have Chancellor Luther resign and replace him with Wilhelm Marx. Because of statements I made during my term in office, many believed I was a warmonger, “The charge that Germany is guilty of the greatest of all wars, we, the German people, repudiate in all its phases” (Faulkner 409). Yet Dawes, Locarno and the League of Nations provide ample evidence rising national hatreds was not any objective of mine. To my critics I ask; How could I support war when I accepted the Kellogg-Briand Pa
. . .

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Approximate Word count = 2164
Approximate Pages = 9 (250 words per page)

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