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Carol Ember and Anthropology

This is an excerpt from the paper...

Carol Ember (1978) states that, because of research conducted on a worldwide basis, there are three commonly held misconceptions among anthropologists concerning the typical nature of hunter-gatherers:

(1) Hunter-gatherers are typically bilocal; (2) gathering is the most important subsistence activity in hunter-gatherer economies (and the related idea that women contribute more than men to the economy); and (3) hunter-gatherers are typically peaceful (p. 439).

Research conducted for this ethnology (the systematic comparison of different societies and cultures) proves Ember is correct on all three counts.

The differences and similarities between the Bergdama and Vedda cultures will be used to express how Ember's research supports the existing facts about these cultures. In addition, the main focus in proving her conclusions will be on the economic structures of the two tribes. Various cultural aspects (such as kinship, social structure, male and female division of labor) will also be addressed in order to show that these misconceptions are indeed invalid. Comparisons to the Ju/'hoansi will also be made in support of Ember's research. A conclusion will discuss the importance for modern cultures of studying cultures of the past, and how this research shows primitive cultures to be a link to understanding the origins of communism, feminism and the division of labor in today's society.

Hunter-gatherer societies normally can have two assumptions presumed about them in advan

. . .
his or her share will be ready tomorrow to give the same to the distributor of today. Today's giving will be recompensed by tomorrow's taking. This is the outcome of the principle of reciprocity which pervades every relation of primitive life and is exemplified in many other ways (Thurnwald, 1965, p. 106). The Bergdama were not necessarily as friendly and as compliant about land sharing as were the Ju/'hoansi. Typically, huntergatherers may claim a territory for common use, but ownership of the territory is a whole different aspect. Opposing claims of tribes or even between families within the same tribes can cause a great deal of conflict over the ownership of valued land (i.e., land rich in water, animals and other resources). The Bergdama are an excellent example: Anyone wishing to lay out a garden at a waterhole discusses its locality with the head of the kraal. Anyone who breaks up a piece of land and cultivates it is generally its owner. If he goes away the land is claimed by the clan, the political unit. Any other member of the clan can now till this piece of ground if he has arranged the matter with the head of the kraal. Open springs and artificially opened waterholes are considered among the Dama as public pr
. . .

Some common words found in the essay are:
Ju/'hoansi Typically, Avg Sexes, Price Brown, Bergdama Veddas, Gregory Altman, Vedda Bergdama, Carol Ember, Bergdama Ju/'hoansi, Bergdama Vedda, Veddas Ceylon, thurnwald 1965, social structure, economic exchange, division labor, price brown 1985, veddas ceylon, lee 1979, economic system, price brown, brown 1985, ember 1978, hunting gathering activities, lee devore 1968, gregory altman 1989, bergdama vedda cultures,
Approximate Word count = 2463
Approximate Pages = 10 (250 words per page)

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