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Cuban and Hatian Immigration

This is an excerpt from the paper...

Anybody who is remotely aware of the contemporary demographics of Miami, Fla., is also aware that, beginning in the 1960s with the significant emigration numbers from Cuba and continuing since the 1980s with Cuban and Haitian migrations, it has evolved into a culturally mixed setting. Indeed, according to the US Census Bureau, as of 2003 fully 50 percent of all persons living in the Miami-Dade County area were reportedly not born in the United States. Furthermore, some 70 percent of people more than five years old in the area spoke some language other than English at home (USCB, 2005).

Within that context, which plainly suggests significant ethnic and nation-of-origin diversity, it is readily observable that there are smaller communities that are relatively ethnically, linguistically, and racially homogeneous. In part that can be attributed to the fact that Census Bureau overviews do not necessarily capture the fact that some of the non-English-speaking residents of Miami-Dade County are illegal immigrants. In that connection, since the 1960s, Cubans fleeing the Castro regime who enter the US without documentation have historically been given preferential treatment with regard to legalizing their immigration status, while persons fleeing from other regimes in the Caribbean, notably Haitian and Mexican illegals, have not gotten the same treatment (Robinson, 2000). Controversy surrounds the issue, and race consciousness appears to be a distinct feature of experience in the are

. . .
ble sociopolitical an economic obscurity of African-Americans in the Miami-Dade area. The situation has been complicated by the fact that Cubans are not the only Hispanic group in Miami-Dade to have been perceived as displacing and marginalizing American-born blacks. In the mid-1980s, for example, when the US was involved in the Contra effort to effect regime change in Nicaragua, Nicaraguan refugees began to arrive in Miami, only to be welcomed and helped by the government. Blacks went on the record expressing resentment at perceived institutional inequities: Many blacks charge that the city goes out of its way to provide housing, jobs and social services for the Hispanic immigrants, while ignoring the needs of the black citizenry. "The Nicaraguans get food, they get clothing," says Vanessa Haynes, 34, a black data-entry officer at the University of Miami. "What do our people get? Nothing!" (Lamar, 1989, p. 29). In early 1989, during the Martin Luther King, Jr., holiday, a policeman shot an Overtown black motorcyclist who was carrying a passenger and who was speeding through the streets. The passenger was also killed when the bike crashed. It turned out that the policeman was born in Colombia, and at the time 43 percent of Miami
. . .

Some common words found in the essay are:
English Spanish, Thomas Alleman, English Language, Hispanics Miami-Dade, Max Kuniansky, Puerto Rican, Retrieved July, Little River, Puerto Ricans, King Jr, miami-dade county, retrieved july 1, july 1, retrieved july, 1 2005, lamar 1989, census bureau, july 1 2005, puerto ricans, percent people, environmental racism, percent people miami-dade, profile miami-dade, people miami-dade county, thomas alleman 1997,
Approximate Word count = 2035
Approximate Pages = 8 (250 words per page)

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