Treatments for Conduct Disorder

The American Psychiatric Association (DSM IV, 1994), defines the essential feature of conduct disorder as a consistent pattern of antisocial behavior in violation of the rights of others. In order for the diagnosis to be given, the behavior must have been both persistent and repetitive for at least six months. Diagnosed in childhood and/or adolescence, symptoms of the condition include fighting, temper tantrums, stealing, lying, fire setting, assaults, rape and truant behavior.

DSM III-R (1987) states that their are two subtypes of conduct disorder. The first subtype is childhood-onset type diagnosed prior to ten years of age and characterized by frequent physical aggression and disturbed peer relationships. According to the DSM III-R, individuals with this subtype:

...may have had Oppositional Defiant Disorder during early childhood, and usually have symptoms that meet full criteria for Conduct Disorder prior to puberty. These individuals are more likely to have persistent Conduct Disorder and to develop adult Antisocial Personality Disorder than are th

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terized either by over-indulgence or emotional deprivation. This anxiety leads to an inability to develop close personal relationships and the resulting symptoms are, therefore, the antisocial behavioral that marks the disorder. Treatment based on this perspective is insight-oriented aimed at getting the individual with conduct-disorder to examine and resolve the issues surrounding the early inadequacy of his/her relationship with parents. Sue, Sue and Sue (1994) report that treatment success for the psychodynamic approach is very low, possibly because of the difficulty conduct disordered patients experience in terms of forming the therapeutic relationship itself. The genetic perspective of conduct disorders, according to Sue, Sue and Sue (1994) is based on considerable research (e.g. Hinshaw, 1987; Mednick, 1985) indicating strong correspondence between criminal behavior in children/adolescents and their biological but not adoptive parents. Specifically, this research shows that adopted sons whose biological parents have criminal records are more likely to have criminal records than adoptive sons whose biological parents do not have criminal records. However, Rutter, MacDonald, LeCouteur, Harrington, Bolton and Baley (1990
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