U.S.-European Security Partnership
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The United States and Europe are at a critical turning point in the definition of their security partnership. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, most Americans assumed that the existing security system could meet any challenges offered, especially since NATO had become the permanent diplomatic conference for the North Atlantic region. There are others, however, including Secretary of State Christopher, who want to replace NATO with a continent-wide security structure and to forge an economic partnership with Europe that transcends the European Community (EC). Until recently, many European did not hold to that opinion. They believed that the ever-changing world situation demanded a new common European identity that went beyond its dependence upon the United States for security. However, the crisis in Yugoslavia has shaken both these beliefs. The first task will be to rediscover the interrelationship of economic and military security. Much of the debate over European-American security, for example, has cast NATO and the European Community as alternative security systems. In fact, as originally conceived (and as how they functioned for decades) they were actually interdependent institutions within a common security vision. From the outset, Americans and Europeans viewed security as having both military and economic requirements. The direct threats in recent years were seen as Soviet expansion and a German military renewal. However, the most fundamental fear was of
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early 1994 or Cocom, the cold-war organization that controlled western trade in sensitive technologies with communist countries, new rules, or guidelines are needed.
The future of western alliance depends on some technical-sounding arguments about a new military force structure for NATO. The new strategic concept announced at the Rome summit in 1991 put the emphasis on smaller armies, some of whose divisions would serve in multinational groups. In addition, NATO has since given itself the right to undertake peacekeeping duties beyond its own territory.
NATO's failure in Bosnia has provided a hard lesson in the need for earlier and more comprehensive planning of peacekeeping activities. Furthermore, Bosnia also highlighted the difficulty of that hoped-for new force planning, which would have been more effective if it had included both the French (who are not formerly part of NATO's integrated military structure), and the ex-communists states (who are anxious to prove themselves), while leaving out Germany (whose constitution sets limits on troops serving outside NATO areas).
The United States has proposed a policy of "separable but not separate" forces, organized under mobile, multinational commands as combined joint task
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Some common words found in the essay are:
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Approximate Word count = 1452
Approximate Pages = 6 (250 words per page)
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