De Facto School Segregation
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In the late 1960s and early 1970s, St. Paul, Minnesota, underwent a protracted and at times highly charged school-segregation controversy. This study examines how the encounter between patterns of de facto school segregation arising from a history of de facto housing segregation in St. Paul and the process whereby integration of elementary and secondary schools was resolved. As Foster, a Chicago lawyer active in public-interest class action litigation, noted (172) in 1963, "problems raised by de facto segregation are more sophisticated and more subtle, and they stem from complex causes." St. Paul was typical of this situation, inasmuch as housing and employment patterns had the effect of concentrating minorities in poor neighborhoods with poor nearby schools and facilities. In these neighborhoods, there were fewer property owners, fewer property taxes paying for that target nearby schools. What Maslow, author of two books on school desegregation in New York City, explained (154) about New York city, that northern metropolitan-area ghettos "create school populations that for all practical purposes are almost completely segregated," was true of St. Paul, one of the northern cities where roughly one-half of all American blacks lived by the 1960s. In the context of the 1960s civil rights movement that had evolved after the 1954 Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education the South had been targeted for social transformation by civil rights activism, anti-segregation cou
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med in part at avoiding social conflict can be seen in the series of plan and proposal deadline postponements granted by the state of Minnesota to the local school board between 1970 and 1971 ("City's" 39). The postponements were occasion for public commentary to the effect that St. Paul was failing to follow the state's guidelines for desegregation; Minnesota's State Education Commissioner Howard B. Camsey was quoted as criticizing St. Paul's failure to establish a "specific timetable" for implementation of desegregation in the city's schools ("Area" 31). But the delays, postponements, and rather vague time-dating of St. Paul's desegregation efforts also appear to have enabled officials involved in the process to develop a voluntary integration in general, and in particular an alternative to what was widely viewed as the drastic step of forced busing. The superintendent of St. Paul's public schools, George P. Young, appears to have been one of the major architects of this process, on a range of issues.
On the issue of the maximum 30-percent minority population per school, Young proposed evaluating minority representation "in terms of a cluster of schools. We find that when it is considered in an entire neighborhood grouping, the
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Approximate Word count = 9029
Approximate Pages = 36 (250 words per page)
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