Neuchterlein Model
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In the previous chapter of this study, we constructed a model for the pursuit of U.S. interests in the Middle East which is consistant with the Nuechterlein model for the analysis and articulation of national interests, and with the goal of furthering Middle East peace, a goal which it was argued was not only consistant with American moral values but with U.S. interests as well. In the earlier chapters we presented a model for the analysis of national interests, and applied it to the problem of the Middle East. We did not fully analyse all the implications of the Nuechterlein grid, or of similar conceptual models. We argued the case for levels and types of interest, but did not actually attempt to show how leaders might determine where a given interest might fit. We argued, for example, that the U.S. interest in Arabian Gulf oil is less than a survival interest, but of such great economic importance as to justify its classification as a "vital" interest. We noted that core interests typically correspond to survival interests, vital interests to economic concerns, major interests to worldorder concerns, and peripheral interests to ideological concerns. But not every economic interest is "vital;" only those economic interests which have a general and crucial bearing on the health of the economy. Other economicallybased interests might be "major," or only "peripheral." How these questions are judged has not been addressed in any major way in this
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in's model the strongest one) is made with embarrassment, and the "New World Order" argument (a majorinterest favorable world order argument) with some hesitancy. Standing up to tyranny and agression, and rescuing Kuwait from oppression, are the arguments for a tough policy that are most acceptable to the American people.
The other distinctive feature of American political culture which shapes nationalinterest thinking in general terms is parochialism. It is a famous American political aphorism that all politics is local. Americans are also notably uninformed about, and indifferent to, foreign news and foreign issues. Thus, unless foreignpolicy concerns can be presented in broadbrush, almost apocalyptic terms (e.g., the "Red Menace" of the Cold War era), they have little resonance for American voters or the politicians they elect. It is thus the course of least resistance for a U.S. policymaker to pander to domestic political interests (such as the Israel lobby) rather than oppose it with foreignpolicy arguments to which his or her other constituents will probably turn a deaf ear.
The insular position of the United States in the world surely contributes to this parochialism. Seldom in its history has t
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Some common words found in the essay are:
Middle East, Jewish Irish, Arabian Gulf, Saddam Hussein, Rep Solarz', Masada Israelis, Frederick Prussia, Cold War, Arab Israelis, American Jewish, middle east, support israel, israel lobby, american public, political factors, foreign policy, political cultural, gulf crisis, policy middle east, nationalinterest analysis, american political, arabian gulf crisis, american public opinion, reflexive support israel, american jewish community,
Approximate Word count = 5691
Approximate Pages = 23 (250 words per page)
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