A CONSTITUTION FOR FREEDONIA

It is recommended that Freedonia adopt a system of proportional representation, as proposed in the draft proportional constitutional proposal. While neither proposal is optimal, the proportional system seems better suited to Freedonia's current requirements. A suggested improvement in the draft will be considered at the end of this discussion.

In general, proportional representation based on national candidate lists, and plurality representation by districts, each has one factor that tends toward fragmentation and one factor that tends toward cohesion. The two systems are in fact mirror images in this respect.

Proportional representation tends toward fragmentation by producing a multiplicity of political parties. This is especially the case when the minimum vote percentage for representation in the parliament is set rather low. Such is the case in the proportional-representation model proposed for Freedonia, which sets the minimum at four percent. At this level, even rather small splinter groups will be able to gain parliamentary representation.

It may prove difficult for any one party to secure a governing majority. This will tend to force coalition governments, in which minor parties will put their support up for bid. The price of their support may be (for example) subsidization of parochial or even eccentric projects. A more serious concern is that extremist parties may be ab

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n the other hand, district plurality voting tends toward parochialism. The one type of splinter party that can thrive in such a system is a regional party that can count on winning a plurality in many districts within its region. Thus, while most types of ideological or single-issue parties are starved under a district plurality system, regionalist parties may thrive. If some region of the country is a center of extremist (particularly separatist) sentiment a regional party with that power base may accordingly reflect an extreme agenda. Thus, while district plurality voting disfavors small national parties, it may provide a space for regionalist parties. Moreover, apart from the possibility of overt regionalism in the form of regional parties, district representation favors parochialism even among members of the major parties. Members of parliament are answerable not to the national electorate but only to those of their individual districts. Often the best strategy for a member seeking re-election is to emphasize "constituent services" (serving in effect as a sort of ombudsman for local voters) and -- especially -- bringing home the bacon for the district. In this regard it should also be noted that the two systems diffe
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Some common words found in the essay are:
Proportional Representation, Moreover Freedonia, Russian-speakers Otherwise, Forcing FPF, Volf Volfovich, Volkovich's FPF, district plurality, proportional system, plurality system, proportional representation, district plurality system, party discipline, splinter parties, plurality voting, district plurality voting, winning plurality districts, representation based national, parties district, regional parties, dominant parties, representation parliament set,
Approximate Word count = 1212
Approximate Pages = 5 (250 words per page)