Space Dominance

In his review of Chalmers Johnson's (2004) The Sorrows of Empire, Erik Riker Coleman (2004, p. 1325) maintains that from the author's perspective, "The policies pursued by the Bush administration in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks were�a radical ramping-up of the imperial project both abroad and at home." This radical project aimed at total military dominance includes $10 billion in expenditures aimed at reinforcing and expanding the massive space capability of the U.S. In an unapologetic and strident manner, the U.S. aims to achieve total space domination in future military conflicts. General Franklin J. "Judd" Blaisdell told reporters during one Pentagon press conference, "Whether it's Iraq or any other enemy of the United states and its allies, I would tell you that we're so dominant space that I would pity a country that would come up against us," (U.S., 2003, p. 1). This analysis will provide support for the charges of increasing imperialistic intentions on behalf of the U.S. made by Johnson (2004) in The Sorrows of Empire.

Even before the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, Chalmers Johnson (2004) maintains in The Sorrows of Empire that the Bush administration was planning to attack Afghanistan due to its desire to construct an oil pipeline through the country. Congressional and public rage, fear and unity after the September 11 attacks only served to provide the Bush administration with a blank check for military endeavo

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or communicating the key issues of their parent organizations, and keeping abreast of the IPA evaluation process. It is not enough to change the process of space acquisition; we must also ensure that the right resources are available to keep a program stable and on track. We build the foundation for the right resources with realistic cost estimates and achievable program management baselines. But program managers require adequate resources to maintain program stability throughout the life of the program. One of the recommendations in the Young Panel report called for budgeting to the 80/20 level and for a 20- 25 percent management reserve. I agree with both these practices in theory, but given fiscal realities, realize that this may not be attainable. We do, however, need to give our program managers the flexibility to meet the technical challenges that arise in virtually every program - one way to do that is through the judicious use of management reserve. As I mentioned when I testified before you in March, we often pull money from a stable program to solve problems in an unstable program, and then find that we need more money to fix the initially stable program. In other words, we often must break one program just to fix anothe

Category: Government - S