ll match themselves to those of similar levels of desirability. To test her hypothesis, Hatfield set up a "computer date" dance for freshmen at a large midwestern university. Dates were randomly selected for the freshmen (although they were told otherwise), and they were asked to rate their dates at intermission. The experiment proved the hypothesis conclusively; in fact, physical attractiveness came through so strongly as an indicator of desirability that little else had a chance to be demonstrated by the study (Schellenberg, 1993, p. 127).
In another similar experiment, Schellenberg (1993) reports that good looking subjects were rated more highly than less attractive ones on non-physical traits as well. More attractive persons were also perceived as being more socially sensitive, sexually warm, kind, poised, and interesting than less attractive persons. In sum, they were perceived as having all the more desirable traits. Not only were they rated higher on the personality dimensions, but they were seen as happier and more successful in their lives (p. 129).
Schellenberg (1993) points out an additional sex-specific finding:
Pictures of both sexes were rated by both male and female subjects. The same patterns of a physical attractiveness stereotype were found for persons of both sexes, and the gender of the persons rating the pictures did not appear to be an important factor. However, other studies that support the physical attractiveness stereotype suggest that there may be important sex differences. That is, males considered physically attractive are given special credit for features generally associated with male roles; and good-looking females are given extra credit for characteristics usually seen as feminine virtues (p. 129).
As we will see later in the discussion, women are given more credit for compliance and conciliatory skills, and men are credited with being more able leaders. Let us first look at those p...