d felt that stopping smoking was an extremely important part of health promotion. She had quit smoking five years ago and said that it made her feel "like a new person." On the other hand, she had far less commitment to developing proper eating habits and a regular exercise routine.
Regarding exercise, she said that it was "too hard" and that it was "just too difficult to develop a regular habit of working out." Regarding eating habits, she stated, "Honey, I grew up in a household that liked to eat and I can't stand the taste of that low-fat stuff. I don't want to be so healthy that life is no longer enjoyable."
What is interesting about these responses is that they are somewhat confirming of Pender's Health Promotion Model (1987) in which it is stated that the extent to which one is likely to engage in certain specific health promotion behaviors is at least somewhat dependent upon "self-efficacy" or the extent to which one perceives self as able to engage in the behavior. While Mildred B felt able to stop smoking, she somehow did not feel able to develop habits of proper nutrition and exercise.
Also, relevant to her perceptions on these issues are certain factors that Rosenstock (1974) stated can operate as "cues to action" for those whose health/health-related beliefs are impairing their engaging in certain health promotion behaviors. Specifically, Rosenstock reported that the likelihood of someone engaging in a given health promotion behavior (e.g., eating properly, developing an exercise routine) could be increased through cues to action such as mass media campaigns about the importance of the behavior or advice from experts such as o
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