e in Jerico and on the Gaza Strip. Palestinians are unhappy with the setup because it offers them autonomy in name only. As Beyer reports in her Time article, there will continue to exist an occupation by Israel in everything but name. She quotes Dr. Eyad Sarraj, who runs a mental-health clinic in Gaza: "'Instead of being next door to me, the Israeli army will be a few meters farther away. Gaza will continue to be a prison, with Israel controlling all our exit points'" (Beyer 34).
The peace accord of the Fall of 1993 had called for a withdrawal of Israeli troops from the Strip, rather than the redeployment which actually resulted. The Israelis have continued to retain ultimate jurisdiction over the border crossings to Egypt and Jordan. As Beyer explains, "Israel retains the right to refuse entry to anyone who is not a resident of the West Bank or Gaza Strip, and can restrict the return of refugees from the Arab-Israeli wars, quashing Palestinian hopes of unfettered immigration" (34).
If Palestinians feel cheated out of a real vindication of their rights to the Gaza Strip, it is partly because Arafat had given them the unrealistic hope that they would have unlimited self-rule; in fact, they will do well to get limited autonomy. The Palestinians have been given the symbolic right to display their colors over their newly recognized territory, but this is hardly enough for radical groups who want an all-or-nothing settlement. At present, the situation for the Palestinians is much more compromised than fairness would dictate. Since fairness is unlikely to be attained in lieu of disinterested arbitration, however, a mutual standoff of hate is all that will remain. Even a long-term standoff is unrealistic, given the violence that has erupted even since the "peace" accord.
Arafat and Rabin both do agree that there is no military solution to the Gaza Strip issue--only a political one. Both armies were, and still are, to a ...