odological details, as Lowman explains in his guidebook for clinical career-development practitioners (1991, pp. 28-9), involve the creation of a range of subsidiary characteristics that become increasingly precise in their description of the vocational interests of people. The use of codes enables systematic scoring of results of testing for vocational interests and correlation of kinds of work, also coded, with those interests.
The impersonality of coded correlations between interests and job types, however, does not capture the content of the types that Holland sets forth. That is because no assertion of psychological types can credibly and satisfactorily correlate with career goals except in a homogeneous and thoroughly egalitarian society, in which the values and cultural assumptions of that society are not only shared but also endorsed by all who inhabit it. Indeed, the society need not even be egalitarian in structure if its political, ethical, and moral values are shared by all (who would presumably know and accept their place on the hierarchy).
Plainly, this is not the case with the US labor market, a fact that has been well recognized in the literature of the human-resource-management trenches. In that regard, one of the most significant features of social development in the US in the 20th century has been the emergence of programs and policies aimed at achieving social justice for entire groups of workers and others who over the course of American history have been socially, economically, and politically marginalized and disenfranchised because of the inequitable distribution of social and economic benefits of industrial production. Newland identifies a number of "current personnel issues" that are likely to have importance for the balance of the twentieth century: "cost limitations, alternative service delivery, labor relations, productivity and performance, and legalism and staffing" (Newland, 1984, p. 22). His advoca...