ture. It is at this point that the multifaceted Vietnamese Buddhist tradition becomes relevant.
Mahayana Buddhism, prevalent in northern and central Vietnam, is polytheistic and emphasizes social justice and assisting others in reaching enlightenment. Theravada Buddhism, prevalent in the southern part of Vietnam, is more monastic in emphasis, i.e., focuses on enlightenment solely via the sangha, or religious community. In other words, according to Theravada tradition, enlightenment is possible only for the religious and not for the lay person ("Buddhism"). It has been noted that most Vietnamese lay people adhere to Pure Land Buddhism, which holds that present-day actions of merit may influence one's future fate tomorrow. Thien (Zen) Buddhism, with its emphasis on meditation, is significantly present among the Buddhist clergy (Topmiller 232f).
In the mid-1960s, as Topmiller explains, Buddhists engaged in opposing the north-south war while also preserving religious options, organized the Unified Buddhist Church (UBC), "which combined elements of eleven different sects and the Theravada and Mahayana streams of Buddhism" (232) and which openly opposes the Vietnamese Communist Party (VCP) in Vietnam. Today in Vietnam in addition to the UBC are Buddhists identified more sharply as Chinese, Theravada, Khmer Theravada, Hinayana, Hoa Hao, and "non-UBC Buddhists." The last-named sect appears to be a VCP client/proxy, and there is a view that its main purpose is to obliterate all Buddhism in Vietnam. UBC clergy who have spoken out against VCP policy have been imprisoned or otherwise intimidated (Karnow 38).
Aside from VCP suppression, the big picture of Buddhism in Vietnam is its decentralization based on differences between Buddhists aiming for social justice and those who seek disconnection from vulgar-world craving. However, in the US, there appears to have been less friction per se than an adjustment of laity and clergy to the dynamic...