tein 7-9). Particularly in the early 1900s and after the First World War, the FPM turned its attention to what it perceived to be "menaces to the nation" (Goldstein 9). Increasingly, these so-called "desecraters" were new immigrants, labor unions, anarchists, socialists, communists and other such "un-American" activists. Goldstein notes, however, that while these un-American activists often carried the flag in their protests, there were many more accusations than actual cases of flag desecration (Goldstein 10-12).
Goldstein thus ties the flag protection movement to right wing, conservative and some mainstream groups. He makes clear the political nature of the movement. This politicizing of the movement is also clear in Goldstein's history of flag desecration laws. For example, he argues that that prosecutions for flag desecration during the Vietnam War were invariably brought against "'peace' demonstrators, but not against 'establishment' and 'patriotic' elements who also used the flag in unorthodox and often technically illegal ways" (Goldstein 28). For example, he notes a Dallas prosecutor's refusal to consider a case against a bank that used the flag illegally in its logo (Goldstein 29). He also notes that there is strong support for flag burning laws. For example, he notes that then-President George Bush supported a
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