nd for their use of specific procedures, such as those involving neck restraints and other forms of deadly force, in particular (Chancey, 1990, pp. 40-41, 43).
3. Police are expected to respond to a growing number of domestic disputes, where the potential for injury to polices officers is significant. Police responses to domestic incidents, however, often result in charges of police brutality being lodged against individual police officers (Hall, 1992, pp. 22-31).
Racial and ethnic minorities, by an large, are convinced that police officers, by an large, have few compunctions against using violence against minority group persons (DeSantis, 1994, p. 16). One strong public perception among racial and ethnic minorities is that police solidarity will prevail against civilian efforts to hold police officers accountable for the unacceptable use of force, intimidation, and coercion (Shernock, 1988, pp. 182-194). Another strong public perception is that defensiveness toward racial and ethnic minority civilians on the part of police officers affects the ethical orientations of the police officers (Shernock, 1990, pp. 24-42). Yet another powerful factor negatively affecting the public perception of police accountability in brutality cases is the fact that fines against police officers for such actions are typically paid by the responsible jurisdiction. This type of action on the part of responsible jurisdictions, as justified as it may be, convinces many minority racial and ethnic civilians that individual police officers and police departments have little incentive to cease the use of excessive force.
Police brutality, as the term is used in this examination, is defined as the use of physical force, intimidation, or coerc
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