le in the United States as they flee the bloody civil war in southern Sudan makes them a new and compelling case study in the American immigrant experience (Holtzman 2).
Several hundred Nuer now live in Minnesota, and many more reside in other Midwestern cities and elsewhere around the United States (Holtzman 3). The major wave of resettlement in Minnesota began in November of 1994 when Nuer began to arrive in unprecedented numbers both as primary resettlees and as secondary migrants from other American cities (Holtzman 33). Holtzman notes that the precise number of Nuer is difficult to gauge, although he estimates that it has likely declined to about 200 due to migration to Iowa, South Dakota and Nebraska from a high of approximately 400 (Holtzman 33). Minnesota served as a location for primary resettlement because in comparison to other areas of the country, it wages and employment availability were relatively good (Holtzman 34). Plus, as more Nuer settled there, even more would feel comfortable.
Holtzman contends that Nuer migration to the United States serves as a testament to the dramatic changes that have occurred in Nuer culture since Evans-Pritchard's time. On the other hand, Holtzman also notes how many things have remained the same, including the structure of Nuer villages and traditional village life (Holtzman 3). Since it was first documented by Evans-Pritchard, Nuer traditional daily life in southern Sudan has not changed much. The Nuer rely heavily on cattle rearing for food, hides and fuel. However, the possession of cattle also defines social relationships within and across families (Holtzman, 4). Tribal and clan divisions are largely defined according to access to pastures and water supplies, and cattle serve as "bridewealth" from the family of the groom to the family of the bride upon marriage (Holtzman 4). Politically, the Nuer are organized into patrilineal clans and
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