lity with hypotheses that women's criminality was itself a response to unjust political and economic norms that privileged the male standard, hence (wrongly) limited women's access to social goods.
Socialist feminism comes down to the idea that "women are made, not born" (p. 36). That is, material existential conditions mainly determines the quality of experience, which is mainly one of oppression and exploitation. Capitalism and patriarchy work in tandem to privilege rich white males and mischaracterize or otherwise exploit nonelites, particularly women and particularly racial minorities. In the criminal-justice sphere, socialist feminism attributes female crime to responses to practices of social control and economic marginalization of women. Traditionally, legal systems of capitalist patriarchy treat women as culpable in their own victimization (e.g., in rape and wife battery), liable to punishment on grounds of supposed social equality but not entitled to legal protections.
Socialist feminism has been attacked and somewhat diffused, by socially conservative adherents of capitalist/patriarchal authority, by feminist race scholars who accuse original-theory adherents of taking the standpoint of the white bourgeoisie, whether male or female, hence marginalizing the profound economic oppression of minority underclasses and the racism that typically accompanies it, and by materialist feminists, who see the knowledge base of oppression and loci of oppression itself as constantly shifting. Socialist feminism is an evolving discourse.
Chapter 3: Pepinski, H. (1998). Peacemaking primer.
The big picture of this theory of social justice is that it is a critique from the standpoint of moral philosophy of the culture of violence and alienation. Inevitably this approach brings peacemaking into contact with criminology, owing to the high instance of violent crime. Equally, however, Pepinsky urges the view that authoritative state insti...