Globalization

The permutations of globalization have become so numerous and the vicissitudes of globalization so pervasive that it is tempting to dismiss books that contain some form of the word global in the title as a transparent attempt to exploit the latest trend in discourse of political economy. The trouble with yielding to that temptation is that mere awareness of the term globalization is not the same as understanding its definition, still less the same as appreciating the fact that, as globalization evolves, its dynamics do not belong solely to Anglo-American, Euro-American, or Anglo-European priorities. The Western academy's tendency to discourse on globalization and other complex geopolitical and cultural phenomena not only from but also in terms of a Western perspective may serve a useful purpose, but it is important to recognize that such a purpose is ipso facto limited, if it is accepted that the meaning of global really is global. Nor is it sufficient to say that globalization represents a postcolonial response to such co-optation, since the postcolonial experiences of former colonies has been so diverse around the world. Rather, globalization has something of a life of its own, or more exactly multiple inputs from nations and cultures and lives irrespective of Western perceptions, preferences, priorities, or interventions. Further, the West--and particularly the United States--will ignore, to its great cost, the variety of non-Western perspectives and nation-state behaviors

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n domestic economies but also on a world economic system that was, over the course of the last half of the 20th century, becoming increasingly interdependent. Power defined Sino-Japanese relations in the last part of the 19th century because, at bottom, the Chinese and Japanese misunderstood or misinterpreted the increasing body of information on each other's history and culture and because--regardless of the cultural features of cross-national understanding--Japan in particular during this period was engaged in a project of what was eventually to crystallize as rampant nationalism. In the opening phase of the Meiji reign the official bureaucracy was oriented toward a cross between Western-style and neo-Confucianist technocracy, but by the waning years of Meiji rule the bureaucracy had become dominated by officials with a warrior orientation and a determination to arm for conquest (p. 36). China had an inchoate military apparatus (in part a function of its aggressively ineffectual bureaucracy), which made it vulnerable economically and militarily. Thus it was well positioned to exploit the Great War, which distracted the European colonial powers. It declared war on Germany and seized Germany's China concessions in 1915, then pres

Category: Economics - G