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Convention of the Communist League in London

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The convention of the Communist League now under way in here in London has articulated a political platform that calls for nothing less than destruction and reordering, by way of revolution, of the whole of present-day European society, which the League's principal theorists have essentially declared to be nothing less than a blight on the history and experience of the great majority of mankind. Indeed, not only do these theorists, one Karl Marx and one Friedrich Engels (who are German and not English), declare the present social system of Britain and the Continent a curse, but they also challenge virtually the entire history of thought in Western culture on both moral and intellectual grounds. Engels, be it known, comes from a family of German industrialists; Marx is a Jew who appears to have rejected any ties to his Jewish tradition. Indeed, Marx has been at some pains to reject ties to any specific philosophical or religious tradition because Their ideas have been articulated in a variety of writings, but most decisively in a document called The Communist Manifesto. The doctrine that seems meant to reconfigure Judaeo-Christian philosophical and political thought and Western social structure has, as the Manifesto implies, been named Communism.

The Communist League appears to have constituted itself at this time in London in no small part on account of the host of thusfar unsuccessful revolutions that have plagued the political environment on the Continent over the course of

. . .
tariat will exercise its own power in a just way. He offers no evidence for the conclusion that the result of the victory of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie will be utopia, but he characterizes this victory as such. How Marx arrives at his solution for the injustices that he sees embedded into the prevailing social, political, and economic landscape involves a close reading of a dense and terminology-laden argument. Indeed, Marx's theory, which has been articulated in writings other than the Manifesto, is complex, but the view that distinguishes his theory is that capital, which controls the means of production, is powerful and is never imperiled by labor (at least not for long), which is one among many means or instruments of production. To the contrary, labor is always at the mercy of capital control. Embedded into the structure of control is the fact that more laborers are always available to serve the needs of capital, even if some laborers should withdraw their work from the marketplace. Conflicts created when labor, which is only an instrument of production, serves the interest of private property, which controls production, are at the heart of all social and economic problems. From this fact flow two terms that recur t
. . .

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Approximate Word count = 4233
Approximate Pages = 17 (250 words per page)

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