mprehensive engagement." The three tenets of this policy are that China must be paid attention to, that China is not an enemy of the United States, and the acknowledgement that a variety of American interests are at stake in East Asia. The supporters of Clinton's comprehensive engagement policy include "the business community, free-market advocates, and prominent Republican former officials who argue that a confrontation now with China would be premature" (Rodman 39). Critics of Clinton's comprehensive engagement strategy claimed that the policy was vague and weak, and predicted that China would take advantage of it. So far, this criticism has failed to materialize: "China has realized that it will have to adapt to international rules, not simply ignore them, and be careful how it throws its weight about" ("Greeting" 16).
An important development in U.S.-China relations was the recent state visit of Chinese President Jiang Zemin. China wants to modify its image as ruthless Communists and demonstrate its willingness to become an active member in the international community. As President Clinton puts it, "Isolation of China is unworkable, counterproductive and potentially dangerous . . . That is not the world we want" (Liu and Bogert 45).
The relationship that Jiang and Clinton want is one that reinforces the global trend toward borderless economies. Jiang's state dinner doubled as a networking session with numerous CEOs in attendance. The emphasis of Jiang's summit visit is that improved foreign relations equals increased profits for American businesses: "To drive home his point, China ordered 50 Boeing airliners--a $3 billion deal that means paychecks for perhaps 34,000 American workers" (Omestad 66). During his
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