e spark that ignited the violence, it is also possible to examine similarities and differences in precipitating factors of the riots.
Prison riots have been investigated from a number of perspectives. Braswell, Dillingham, and Montgomery (1985) suggest that the origins and conditions for riots fall into one of four categories: (a) inmate solidarity in the face of authority; (b) racial, political, and ideological tensions; (c) unmet inmate expectations for changes; and (d) organizational conflicts over basic goals for prison. Leger (1988) notes that racial antagonism among inmates is often related to prison violence, and others have considered various characteristics of inmates such as age or criminal history (Kratcoski, 1988) or inmates' family experiences and personal goals (Sechrest, 1991) to explain violence-prone inmates. The experience of corrections officers is also believed to explain some prison violence, in that less-experienced officers are most likely to be assaulted by younger inmates who were first convicted at an early age (Kratcoski, 1988). Situational factors that have been examined in relation to prison riots include the location, time of day, and prior inmate involvement in prison violence (Kratcoski, 1988; Porporino, 1986; Steinke, 1991). The most common environments for inmate violence against officers and themselves are in high-security-level and disciplinary or segregation units. The most common environments for violence against other inmates are settings such as day rooms, prison yards, or similar areas where inmates are congregating but are not engaged in structured activities.
In general, studies have concluded that overcrowding is the most significant organizational precondition for riots. It may be seen as an "interactive variable" - sometimes causing, sometimes the result, and often exacerbating the impact of other conditions and practices. Researchers have shown the relationship of overcrowding to id...