. The nations of the Pacific Rim have risen at great speed to become major economic powers on the basis of their manufacturing capacity. As multinationals acquired new, far-flung interests, manufacturing and the associated office work were being decentralized. But even as the multinationals expanded spatially in terms of their general functions, the coordination of their efforts has "required spatial concentration" for control, deal-making and other functions (Fainstein, 1990, p. 554). A good example of the way in which restructuring works against minority interests can be seen in the development of community involvement in New York's development policies.
Redevelopment in New York began earlier than in other cities. Under Robert Moses of the State Parks Council (1924 to 1963) the city's spatial character was quickly transformed with new bridges and ring-type highways that brought the city's transportation system up to date but simultaneously undermined the importance of its public transport services. In addition, Moses began the public housing programs (beginning with slum clearance) that set the pattern "whereby government provided leadership in close collaboration with private developers and to the exclusion of community groups" (Fainstein, 1990, p. 559). The "unusually active governmental sector," in both New York state and city, derived from a progressive coalition among the professional class, middle-class Jews, trade unions from both private and public sectors, and portions of the political leadership. It was this coalition that got John Lindsay elected in 1965 on the basis of promises to address the city's problem with "unequal and uncontrolled growth" and "citizens' organizations thirst for more participation" (Savitch, 1994, p. 573).
The city had been prospering, like the rest of the country, in the 1950s and the early 1960s.
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