onflicts and problems associated with the visit. The New York Times described policy differences concerning U.S. perception of ChinaÆs closed-market trade policies toward American exporters and ChinaÆs desire to be formally admitted to the World Trade Organization (ôU.S. Wantsö), as well as on the public-relations uneasiness owing to American leadership in the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia, to which China had objected (ôChina PremierÆsö). In Los Angeles, the first stop for ZhuÆs American journey, the Times one week before his arrival ran a page-one story on two aging American expatriates, one a nuclear scientist who defected and one a Korean War POW, who relocated to China in the 1950s because they preferred its political and communal societal organization to that of the U.S. and whose left-wing ôradical fire has cooledö in the context of ôimproving Sino-U.S. relationsö since that time (Chi A16). This human-interest piece is an example of culture transmission, meant to provide a window on and a human face to the Chinese world through American eyes. That same week, a visiting professor from Beijing, whose ideological bias in favor of the PRC can readily be inferred, urged the U.S. to admit China as a full international trading partner and to relax its vigilance on ChinaÆs internal policies when all the government is trying to do is keep the country from falling into chaos (Wang np). On the other hand, an op-ed piece by a columnist cited differences appa rently irreconcilable, at least in the near term: ôa cranky U.S. Congress all but on the warpath over Chinese human-rights violations and spying allegations, a suspicious American press gradually but inexorably souring on President ClintonÆs China engagement policy, and a U.S. president . . . preoccupied with . . . Kosovoö (Plate B7).
The day of ZhuÆs arrival in Los Angeles, the Times editorial cited ChinaÆs protest of the NATO bombing, trade policy differences, and huma...