ctices based in American ethnocentrism. Such clashes affect perceptions of both parents and professional educators toward standards for the determination of kindergarten readiness (Williams, 2002).
The thesis of this research is that culture does affect standards for kindergarten readiness. Culture reflects values held by people, and such value may define culture both broadly and in narrow contexts. Because of the expansiveness of the concept of culture, variations in cultural values has the potential to affect standards for kindergarten readiness on bases ranging from the theoretical from the practical, as well as affecting perceptions of standards among groups ranging from parents to educators.
Marshall (2003) noted that defining the term "kindergarten readiness" varies depending upon the theoretical perspective employed. People proceeding from a maturationist perspective tend to define kindergarten readiness in terms of the cognitive, social, and physical abilities of children. From the perspective of maturationists, such abilities develop as a child ages with little stimulation from the external environment. This approach leads to determinations of kindergarten readiness on the basis of a child's chronological age. The maturationist perspective also is used to justify contentions by both parents and educators that kindergarten entry should be delayed for some children.
Conversely, people embracing the interactionist and constructivist perspectives tend to define kindergarten readiness within the context of the actual development skills attained by a child, as opposed to assuming the presence of such skills based on chronological age. If fact, maturationists, interactionists, and constructivists agree that a child's readiness for kindergarten is determined by level of a child's cognitive, social, and physical abilities. Maturationists, as indicated above, tend to believe that such capacities develop automatically ov...