ent Turkish parliament state that ì
they are committed in principle to a free-market economy, ì
although only the Motherland Party attaches no conditions to such ì
Since 1959, the economic policy of successive Turkish ì
governments has been shaped around the objective of Turkish ì
membership in the European Economic Community (Pittman, 1989, ì
169). This objective has been actively pursued in the face of ì
strong opposition within the Turkish population, and within the ì
environment of a European reaction that is cool to the idea at ì
best. The almost single minded economic orientation of ì
successive Turkish governments has led to economic indecision and ì
a neglect of more attainable economic objectives. By the year ì
2000, Turkey's population is projected to be larger than that of ì
any country now in the European Community, and Turkey is already ì
an impoverished country (World Bank, 1993, p. 228). The European ì
Community fears that admitting Turkey to full membership would ì
severely tax the resources of all other community members, and ì
that the other member states would be overrun by immigrant ì
Turkish workers. The European Community has effectively deferred ì
consideration of the Turkish request for full membership which ì
will not likely occur until the next century, while granting the ì
06 a4 ìè
Economic Performance and Policyì
Since the establishment of the Turkish republic in 1923, the ì
Turkish economy has grown at an average annual rate of six-ì
percent (Pittman, 1989, p. 169). During this period, the Turkish ì
economy has developed into a complex system with diversified ì
activities in the agricultural, industrial, and service sectors.ì
Turkey's gross national product (approximating US$70 ì
billion) is greater than that of four European Community members ì
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