were, at least in their minds, losing political control, being taxed for purposes for which they could neither see any need nor perceive any benefits for themselves, and being used by the political leaders of the early industrial cities.
Within the context of the circumstances and perceptions described above, the outflow of the non laboring classes to the suburbs was a rational action on the part of the non laboring classes. Once ensconced in the suburbs, the non laboring classes were again able to regain political control of their communities, as well as build a much stronger political voice at the regional and state levels.
In the United States of the 1990s, class based politics is much more evident in the nation's metropolitan areas than is community based politics. In a community focused political environment, both suburban and central city residents would cooperate in developing programs (education, housing, infrastructure, and so forth) that had as objectives providing equity and quality throughout the greater urban area of which they are a part. As the situation actually exists, however, the central cities strive to provide services to large and largely poor populations on the funds generated from low per capita tax bases. By contrast, the suburbs provide services to populations that, for the most part, are moderate in size and relatively wealthy on the funds generated from high per capita tax bases.
Certainly, to some extent community based and class based politics in the United States in the 1990s do overlap. On a broader scale, however, the two concepts are easily separable, definable, and identifiable.
2. Most cities cannot legally generate budget deficits. In those instances where it has been possible for cities to generate budget deficits, disaster has usually struck. Cleveland and New York City are but two, although prime, examples. Placed in a situation in which they either cannot generate a budge...