s conducted by a group of women activists with the Tata Institute fo Social Sciences in Mumbai showed that 40 percent of women were dead by the time their families lodged complaints against violent husbands (Kishwar, 2003, 112). Prior to 1983, there were no specific provision in the law to deal with domestic abuse, although husbands could be charged with abetment to suicide, causing hurt, and wrongful confinement. Because most domestic violence took place in the home with no witnesses, it was difficult for a woman to prove her case. Although there were adequate laws against violence, police tended to condone the behavior because they themselves frequently used violence and brutalization against those they detained. A few Crimes Against Women Cells were created at select police stations, but since they were run by the same police, they made little difference for the abused women.
Amendments to the Indian Penal Code in the 1980s included a new offence of "cruelty by husband or relatives of husband" which included not just physical harm, but also mental cruelty such as harassment, and emotional torture through verbal abuse (Kishwar, 2003, 113). Harassment included making demands regarding and property or valuable security of the wife or her relatives. Two amendments to the Dowry Prohibition Act made dowry giving and receiving a cognizable offence. The burden of proof that an offence was not committed is placed on the accused in these cases, but since prevarication is expected in Indian courts, and lawyers even encourage clients to lie, the perjury laws are ineffective. There is a special case for "dowry death" which is defined as the death of a woman within seven years of her marriage when it is shown that prior to her death she was subjected to cruelty by her husband or his relatives in connection with dowry demands, and her death was caused by burns or bodily injury under unusual circumstances (114). In these cases, the bu...