lds had given way to industrialized manufacturing; tradesmen of all types were working side-by-side in the same factory, subservient all to a single employer. The bourgeoisie had both simplified society and at the same time drawn a sharper line of separation between itself and the working-class (pp. 58-59).
Marx takes great care to explain the rise in history, from feudal times to the present day, of the bourgeois, through a series of "revolutions in the modes of production and exchange" (p. 60). The bourgeois had itself struggled against feudalism and monarchial rule to gain power politically but in doing so replaced "natural superiors" with itself. Men no longer work together exchanging common needs; rather they are now dependent upon the bourgeois for their very existence: "In one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, (the bourgeois) has substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation" (p. 62).
Marx supposes that world commerce is displacing "national industries" (p. 63); new industries emerged which no longer relied solely upon national raw materials but upon those carried from the corners of the earth. The bourgeoisie find new ways to bring foreign production under their control, and the proletariat is enlarged in each such instance. As it succeeds, the bourgeois concentrates both property and political power in its own hands, and smaller, independent states "become lumped together into one nation, with one government, one code of laws, one national class-interest, one frontier, and one customs tariff (p. 65).
Despite this, the bourgeoisie has created a scheme it can no longer manage easily. Production capacity races to keep up with demand, is periodically overwhelmed by it, and reacts by overproducing. According to Marx:
there is too much civilization, too much commerce. The productive forces . . . no longer tend to further the development of . . . bourgeois property;...