the problem, 1997-1998) pointed out that there is a great deal of ambivalence and even suspicion regarding private prisons. Studies of these institutions have revealed a mixed portrait, leading many analysts to question the practice of privatization. It is, therefore, the purpose of this study to examine the literature to provide an answer to the question of whether or not private prisons are in fact "meeting the challenge" they were designed to address.
Thomas (2000) stated that as recently as two decades ago, there were no legal provisions authorizing the use of private correctional facilities at the federal, state or local level. The most current research, however, documents that there are 28 states with the statutory authority to contract for the full-scale management of state prisons, and additional 10 states of the legal opinion that existing general corrections statutes provide authority for such policies, and federal regulations also permitting the practice of privatization. There are now about 158 secure adult correctional facilities in operation or under construction û all in the private sector. One or more of these facilities are located in 30 states, the District of Columbia, and Puerto Rico. Some states lacking privatized facilities (e.g., Alaska, Hawaii and Wisconsin) contract for the housing of prisoners in private facilities located elsewhere. About 122,871 prisoners are now held in private facilities in the United States. Thus, it seems clear that prison privatization has been embraced by many different actors and policymakers in the United States.
Thomas (2000) traced the emergence of the private correctional system to the mid-1970s, when a dramatic and unmanageable increase in the number of offenders remanded to incarceration took place. Between 1975 and 1985, the number of state and federal prisoners rose from 240,593 to 480,568 û an increase of 99.74 percent. Between 1985 and 1995, the total nu...