es and all 435 congressional districts, and his organization numbers close to three million.
UWSA is the key to Perot's presidential strategy. It both reflects his character, and keeps alive his issues. It is tightly controlled at the top, and closely knit through Perot's signature high-technology communications network.4 UWSA is significant as an element of strategy for several reasons. First, it embodies Perot's core support. Polls show that thirty percent of his original vote remains loyal (some five to six million voters), and that these people range from the political left to the right.5 This diversity is important since Perot's support is predominantly white, middle-aged males.6 Perot's strategy, then, must include expanding the demographics of his hard-core support, and broadening his appeal to a larger segment of the voting public. UWSA may make this possible.
Another way to accomplish this broadening of appeal would be for Perot to enter the early Republican primaries. Several critical states including California have moved up their primary dates, making it possible for Perot to have a larger impact on the race early than was possible in 1992.7 Since it is unlikely that the Republican party would make Perot its nominee, the strategy here would be for Perot to weaken the leading Republican contenders, especially Bob Dole, and then run on a third party ticket. With Dole crippled, Perot could then present himself as the only viable alternative to Clinton.
That Perot is considering this strategy is indicated by his recent wooing of prominent Republicans. House Speaker Newt Gingrich has become a member of United We Stand, and has invited Perot to testify before Congress on several occasions.8 Perot should continue this courtship of Republicans, moving farther right if he is to neutralize Dole. Indeed, Dole seems to realize and resent this
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