ded by the successful Young Turk revolt of 1908 and the promulgation of a constitution (Tauber 1).
Before the war, Arab nationalists in various regions had been seeking an expanded role for themselves, but without much success. Since the days of the Sultan, Jewish settlers in Palestine had been seeking permission for extensive Jewish immigration to their ancient territory to fulfill the Zionist dream for a national homeland. In the postwar days, with idealistic hopes for the nascent League of Nations and principles of national self-determination in the air, both groups turned eagerly for help to the victorious European powers.
Although British leaders understood that they were reshaping an historically important world crossroads, they lacked understanding of the role religion played in the region:
The Islamic political tradition is imperial, a tradition of nomad empires. Empires are not nations. They incorporate nations and have expanding (or shrinking) frontiers. Unlike nations, they include rather than exclude. They are a suitable vehicle for a religious civilization. However, the modern world demands nations (Pfaff 84).
Of course, empires also seldom provide rights of self-determination for their citizens. British diplomats meeting in the Cairo Conference of 1921 were primarily concerned with protection of trade routes through Suez, open land and sea passages to India, struggles with France for hegemony in the middle East and guarding themselves against possible threats from the unstable new regime in Russia. American oil companies were beginning to show some interest in the region, but extensive exploration had awaited the end of hostilities. British diplomats also struggled sincerely with th
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