ersons who are at high risk for drug abuse and have studied many possible interventions. In view of this expanding base of knowledge, it is most disconcerting to see how little of this information makes its way into the political debates on drug abuse (p. 8).
Perhaps the explanation for this lack of dissemination of the fruits of some research lies in the fact that social and political scientists are educated in a tradition that frowns on making policy recommendations instead of suggesting further avenues of research. Indeed, when researchers go out on a limb and suggest directions for policymakers to take, they run the risk of vicious, public excoriation from the mouths of those who need to keep them shut for a few minutes, consider the implications, and probably ask for more information instead.
In the light of recent inquiry, the problems of drug abuse and crime remain closely linked. Despite the obvious connection seen by both researchers, the police and courts, and the public, still there are some scholars who inquire and come to the conclusion that, "Most youths appear to commit crime for reasons completely independent of drugs" (Altschuler and Brounstein, 1991, p. 589). Is this ludicrous? Is it plausible? Or is it simply statistical mumbo-jumbo?
According to David G. Walchak (1996), Chief of Police in Concord New Hampshire, and currently president of the International Association of Chiefs of Police,
When crack cocaine was introduced in the United States in the mid-1980s, violent crime rates began to soar. In fact, much of the violent crime in America is linked to drug trafficking and drug abuse. Over one-third of all violent acts and almost half of all homicides are drug-related. According to a recent report from [the Drug Enforcement Administration], the two causes most frequently cited for the growth of violent crime are drug lords protecting and expanding their drug turf, and drug users seekin...