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Associations and Law Enforcement INTRODUCTION This study examined assoc

This is an excerpt from the paper...

This study examined associations established to serve the interests of law enforcement officers. The problem investigated is stated in this chapter, and ancillary information related to the problem is investigated.

The history of law enforcement officers associations in the United States dates to the founding of the New York Police Benevolent Association in 1894 (Ray, 1977, pp. 40-48). The activities of these associations in the contemporary period range from the representation of members in labor negotiations to efforts to protect members against charges made by governmental officers and the general public in relation to corruption and brutality to the provision of insurance and other benefits to members (Mitchell, 1994, p. A29; Sexton, 1994b, p. A1; Retiree, 1994, pp. 237-238).

While activities such as those described above are generally perceived in a favorable light, there are underlying concerns over the accountability or lack thereof of associations representing law enforcement officers (Baker, 1993, pp. 25-42). Within the context of this issue, the charge is that the officers of law enforcement officers associations "have almost no accountability to the public, the police brass, or the rank and file of an association's members" (Baker, 1993, p. 26). Accountability is a major issue in the contemporary period in relation to each of the major areas of activity of associations representing law enforcement officers--labor

. . .
that the use of labor in production provided the basis for a rough determination of relative prices over the long-term (Ekelund and Hebert, 1993, p. 244). Marx (1859, pp. 203-217), however, held that the quantity of labor used in the production process determined the actual value of the commodity being produced. Further, Marx (1859, pp. 203-217) thought that this value was both fundamental and immutable. Marx (1859, pp. 203-217) postulated that the value of labor used established the exchange value for a commodity. He did not think that the utility value of the commodity altered the fundamental value of the commodity, which was established by the amount of labor consumed in its production (Ekelund and Hebert, 1983, p. 244). Marx, thus, regarded labor as a commodity, and the distinction between the labor value of a commodity and the utility value of a commodity was critical in an analysis of value employing Marxist theory (Ekelund and Hebert, 1983, p. 245). Where Smith (1776, p. 87) thought that the factors of supply and demand were major determinants of commodity prices (although the value of labor consumed in their production provided a basis for the determination of value), Marx (1859, pp. 203-217) thought that: 1. Th
. . .

Some common words found in the essay are:
Walters Langdon, Mahler Nicholson, Johnson Mieszkowski, Ekelund Hebert, Katz Kahn, Theory Conceptually, AFL CIO, Board--NLRB Calvert, A1 Retiree, Richard Nixon, labor unions, labor union, police associations, activities policies, labor movement, workers' control, value labor, morgan 1986, income distribution, morgan 1986 pp, 1986 pp, law enforcement officers, context system complexity, association activities policies, system morgan 1986,
Approximate Word count = 9986
Approximate Pages = 40 (250 words per page)

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