culture, aspects of ecological setting and social organization will also be addressed in addition to responses to the forces of globalization and modernization. A conclusion will address the likely success of such responses in achieving and maintaining local autonomy and identity among the Chiapas Maya.
The highland Chiapas Nash visited in the 1950s were characterized by small-plot cultivators or "campesinos" and "artisans" who viewed their town as the heart of the world and what occurred there "defined their destiny and that of the cosmos" (Nash, 2001, p. xi). During the past few decades, the Chiapas Mayan artisans have expanded their production to include the "international market" that showcases local traditions and provided cash income to residents (Nash, 2001, p. xv). Mayan farmers, however, have become increasingly involved in activism similar to the Bolivian tin miners observed by Nash in the 1970s. These arming movements and the mobilization of the campesinos were a reaction to increasing corporate national structures. As Nash (2001) notes, "The transformation in indigenous community relations with the state from a paternalistic but nonetheless exploitative relationship of dependency to a hostile standoff was ever more palpable each year" (p. xv).
Unlike the belief in witchcraft or other forms of mysticism that guided rebellions from early Mayan cultures, today's Chiapas Mayans demonstrate through partisan politics and activist groups that include increasing participation of women who share equal work d
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