olicing. Uniformed police patrolled the streets to prevent crime, to interrupt crimes in progress, and to apprehend criminals. Whatever crimes patrol officers did not prevent, detectives attempted to solve by questioning suspects, victims, and witnesses" ("Police Strategies," 1).
In the 1990s, many police departments across the country adopted the strategy of proactive policing, in which the police initiate action instead of waiting for calls, thus focusing on crime prevention rather than on responding to crime ("Police Strategies," 2). Such activities often occurred under the rubric of "community policing," described by the San Francisco Police Department (1-2) as including collaborative efforts between the police and community agencies, institutions, and households designed to identify potential problems and problem makers and to enhance public safety partially by empowering residents to collaborate with the police. Based on the notion that one can weed out criminals and criminality while seeding communities with positive institutions and alternatives to crime, community policing has tended to incorporate elements like enhanced foot patrols in neighborhoods, Neighborhood Watch programs, infrastructures that engage and empower community members to identify public safety concerns, and the establishment of both community courts to adjudicate offenses and community rehabilitation or restitution programs (San Francisco Police Department 3).
Intelligence-led crime control, as described by Maguire (315), emerged in the 1990s as a set of diverse initiatives that were designed to improve aspects of police effectiveness. Such initiatives can be understood as part of the wider changes in the nature
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