n registered more than 52,000 allegations of racial discrimination during 1992-1993 alone (Brief et al. 60). While the authors do admit allegations are not proof, they also show the income inequalities that exist when comparing blacks to whites, who make less than whites in “all jobs at all levels” (Brief et al. 60). Further, real income for black families has stayed the same for the period 1979-1993, while rising 9% for white families (Brief et al. 60).
The authors also use statistical information to demonstrate support for their contention that racism also exists in the American workplace on the horizontal and vertical organizational levels. Blacks are typically segregated in the workplace in terms of employee-supervisor relations, and “passive racism” often pervades the recruiting, interviewing, and hiring processes according to the authors (Brief et al. 60). The authors use this information to demonstrate that while blatant racism is dead or unacceptable in the American workplace, it has been replaced by a new form of racism that is more subtle but just as pernicious if not more than blatant racism.
The authors now define the new racism in terms of how it impacts the American workplace. It is a form of discrimination that is subtle, does not occur openly, but carries great weight. Discriminatory actions still routinely occur, but unless there is justification for them the authors argue that they will not occur openly. However, by using obfuscated language and justifying their actions, many employers still endorse and encourage racism. The authors give us examples of this, from the blatantly racist policies of Shoney’s management to the more subtle policies implement by managers that somehow seem to justify racism. As Brief (et al. 61) note, “The ne
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