ted German Communist Party, which supported Bolshevism's concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Marcuse classifies Kautsky as a revisionist Marxist not only for that reason but also because of the related view he developed that "social laws are 'natural' laws that guarantee the inevitable development toward socialism. . . . The critical Marxist theory the revisionists thus tested by the standards of positivist sociology and transformed into natural science" (Marcuse, 1969, p. 400). Kautsky appears to have been disappointed not only by what he ultimately regarded as the excesses of Bolshevism, and in particular the dictatorship of Lenin (Donald, 1993), but also by the dramatic turn to the right in Austria and Germany after the collapse of the Weimar Republic. In 1938, at the time of the German-Austrian Anschluss, Kautsky left Vienna for Holland, where he died that same year.
Mussolini is far better known as Il Duce, the fascist dictator who came to power in Italy in 1922, than as an ideological theorist. But his early professional career was not only that of a political writer but also that of a Marxist, and in 1912 he became editor of Avanti!, a socialist newspaper. Ball and Dagger say that he broke with socialism during World War I, when he saw the vast majority of dedicated European socialists (including himself) rally to their respective nationalistic causes.
For Mussolini, World War I proved once and for all that Marx was wrong; workers do have a fatherland--at least they want to believe that they do. Any political party or movement that denies this is doomed to failure. Socialists, he said, "have never examine the problem of nations [but only of classes. Contrary to Marx], the nation represents a stage in human [history] that has not yet been transcended. . . . The 'sentiment' of nationality exists; it cannot be denied." And so Mussolini set out to affirm and take political advantage faa the widely shared s...