essfully blended an excited religious flavor into his speeches, which tended to elevate black pride and dignity. As Jackson himself said while on tour of as many as five churches a day, "my talent is to motivate people." Unfortunately, behind the scenes, Jackson was a little less proficient. His close aides complained that he was frequently aloof and unorganized. In spite of his inspiring and effective speeches, he had a spur-of-the-moment business manner that could have ruined him if not for the help of many close supporters.
The Jackson campaign got its greatest support from the nation's black churches. In fact, the churches furnished Jackson with his most stable support in the elections. In a campaign without TV or radio commercials, the churches provided him with money, volunteers, campaign-related services, and a rallying point to register voters. As the Rev. T. J. Jemison observed from his church in Georgia, "the black church is the springboard of Rev. Jackson's campaign. Its support, morally, spiritually, and financially is the thing keeping him near the top in the polls." Of the 63,000 black congregations in this country, 26,000 ministers endorsed Jackson during the campaign. By mid-February, they had raised more than $600,000 for Jackson.
In return, Jackson inspired the black community to become politically involved, actually causing a noticeable wave of political activity in black churches. With high-flung rhetoric, ministers were cheered on by worshipping blacks as they compared the materialistic politics of Reagan to Satan and the Jackson campaign to the road of salvation on earth. Evidently, Jackson knew the power of the church as a way of reaching the black community because he preached to rallies in Baptist churches and Islamic temples throughout the country, especially in the South.
Supplying the necessary funds, as well as transportation and meals for the Jackson troop, the black churches made ...